The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom. Yochai Benkler. Yale University Press, 2006.
In “The Wealth of Networks”, Yochai Benkler examines how the Internet and digital technology is changing society. Benkler describes new types of collaboration as “social production”. In his view, non-market innovation is reshaping markets, while at the same time offering new opportunities to enhance individual freedom, cultural diversity, political discourse, and justice. Benkler also highlights the role for law and politics, calling for “an embrace of the networked information economy by anyone who values human welfare, development, and freedom”.
Benkler is a Yale law professor. Prior, He was a professor at New York University School of Law and Harvard Law School. He was a faculty co-director of Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet & Society.
Benkler uses the first part of the book to describe “networked information economy”, a term he uses to describe the production, distribution, and consumption of information as enabled by digital technology and the Internet. Benkler’s focus is on commons-based approaches to creating information in networked environments.
Benkler then went on to examine the impact of the shift from industrial to a networked information economy, specifically liberating individuals to better able to do things “for and by themselves”. Benkler further points out its culture implication, and predicts the decline of mass-media as a result of the newly-gained freedom. Individuals are better informed, empowered to act, thus becoming more “active participants in producing their own cultural environment”.
Finally, Benkler offers his perspective on the necessary social practice and political actions, to protect the emerging “networked information economy”. Benkler believe the incumbents, such as Hollywood and recording industry, will attempt to influence policy and laws to resist change. He calls for law and regulations to embrace the rise of commons based information production.
In analyzing the book’s arguments, Benkler makes a strong case for the phenomenon he calls “networked information economy”. Throughout the book, Benkler provides concrete evidence, with sufficient in-depth technology descriptions, and solid data, to back up his claims. Benkler is particularly strong in capturing the essence of complex technology, in the context of digital economy.
Benkler’s thesis of “social production” is built around how network information economy has empowered individuals, and consequently, encouraging collaboration among peers to produce information of significant social value. Again, Benkler deployed his legal expertise, backed up by an amazing array of intriguing stories, like the one about rice genome (337).
However, Benkler’s presentation of “peer production” tends to underestimate the role of leadership and management, which leaves a critical gap. Benkler sometimes mixes mass production with collaboration. Benkler’s take on the NASA Clickworkers experiment (69) is such an example. In this case, success has everything to do with the cleverness of the designers. Dividing up a large task into discreet ones to be performed by the mass is quite different from active participation through collaboration. The role of leadership is as significant in social production as in a corporate environment.
Also absent from Benkler’s analysis are those less successful social productions. The absence from Benkler’s analysis leaves a significant gap.
Benkler seems to view participants as equals, and provides little insight into the organization of a social production system. Clearly, the role of leadership is uniquely different in a social production system. Many believe that large scale efforts such as Wikipedia is successful not because it lacks a management structure but because it has a very good one. Therefore, examining the structure, the communication, and the minds behind them will provide more insight into how networked information economy functions, and its long term impact.
In analyzing the economics of social production, Benkler’s take on motivation is rather scholarly, complex and inconclusive. As an academic, Benkler does not often see the pragmatic side of motivation. Consider these from a (professional or amateur) individual’s perspective:
- Learning new skills
- Enjoyment of solving problems
- Showcasing one’s talent
- Pride and Recognition
- Opportunity to contribute
All of the above have positive career and economical benefits. And the Internet provides the perfect platform. For those in the IT profession, playing a recognized role in a social production project carries great prestige and benefits. Given the low cost of entry, it is well worth the time and effort. This is not to negate Benkler’s search for noble causes, which absolutely do exist everywhere. It is just as important to acknowledge that the rise of the network digital economy does not fundamentally changes human motivations. Rather, it simply provides the better platform to act on them.
In conclusion, Benker’s work in “The Wealth of Networks” is a profound. He pulls together perspectives from technology, law and politics, referencing an impressive array of evidence both in breadth and depth.
While the thesis is well argued and supported, Benkler’s academic approach has some limitations. Specifically, he significantly underestimates the role of leadership in networked digital economy. In doing so, he missed an opportunity to examine the emerging new and perhaps superior managerial structure that has potential implications on how work and individual careers are organized.
More than two years after its initial publication, “The Wealth of Networks” is still thought-provoking, a must read to understand and explore the social, cultural and political consequences of the digital age.

